38376 2304-9480 8 2020 1-259

RAR RUS 7-22 N-9074-2015 57219282729 0000-0002-6369-4762 North-West Institute of Management, RANEPA; St. Petersburg State University ATNASHEV Vadim vatnash@hotmail.com

7th Line V.O., 16-18, St. Petersburg 199034, Russia

FEATURES OF EXTREMISM IN THE CONTEXT OF THE NATIONAL LIBERATION STRUGGLE IN ASIAN COUNTRIES This article examines the connection between the national liberation movements in Asia and extreme types of struggle, which persisted after the independence of the former colonies. A number of national liberation movements emerged at the beginning of the 19th century in Latin America and Europe, but in the eastern hemisphere only the Greek national liberation revolution was known as successful in achieving independence, albeit with the support of a number of European countries. A number of protracted and bloody ethnic conflicts are known as negative consequences of the colonial policies (India, Sri Lanka, Rwanda, Sudan, etc.). There are not more colonies in the modern world, but there is still a completely occupied state (Palestine). The article identifies two main types of extremism - social revolutionary and national liberation in relation to the nature of the main conflict that determined the political situation in a particular country. The article identifies two main types of extremism - social revolutionary and national liberation. Socio-revolutionary extremism is typical for countries that have not become colonies, but have faced serious social conflicts. The main forms of national liberation extremism are anti-colonialism and separatism. Separatist extremism is typical for continental empires such as China, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Russian and Ottoman Empires, where a few ethnic minorities fought in order to gain independence. The features of these types of extremism are considered on the material of Iran, India, and Palestine. In particular, religious nationalism engenders extreme forms in India, and that include the persistence of a caste system that violates fundamental human rights. It is shown how the leaders used the social revolutionary movement and military aid from abroad to their advantage on the example of the Gilan Republic in Persia,. In general, the history of various national liberation movements in Asia demonstrates the tolerant attitude of the international community to violent forms of struggle for independence under conditions of colonial exploitation and foreign occupation. However, in the postcolonial period, in the second half of the 20th century, previously justified violence often led to the development of terrorism. Currently, with the exception of Palestine, the claims to the legitimacy of the national liberation struggle are based either on separatism or on the nationalism and populism of extremist groups. 10.1870/HUM/2304-9480.8.01 323.1 COLONIALISM; VIOLENCE; CONFLICT; INDIA; GILAN; PALESTINE; OCCUPIED TERRITORIES; INTERNATIONAL LAW https://internrelat.spbstu.ru/article/2020.8.1/ 1_-V_-R_-Atnashev-7-22.pdf

RAR RUS 23-36 Peter the Great St. Petersburg Polytechnic University WANG Juntao van_ts@spbstu.ru JOINT BORDER TRADE DEVELOPMENT PROJECTS BETWEEN THE CHINESE PROVINCE OF HEILONGJIAN AND THE FAR EAST OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION The border regions of the Russian Far East have historical trade links with the Chinese province of Heilongjiang. The evaluation of joint economic projects between these regions is of great importance for the development of cross-border trade between them. The peculiarity of cooperation is related to the each region of the Russian Federation development, their history, specialization, and demography, social, cultural and national traditions. One of the areas of cross-border trade relations is special economic zones, on the territory of which there is a special mode of entrepreneurship. Cross-border trade influences integration processes, which increases the volume of foreign trade exchange and improves regional proportions. Co-development programs have become a new form of cross-border cooperation in the far East. The new forms of cooperation have been established since 2009: more active development of trade infrastructure, credit and trade cooperation. Several periods in trade and economic relations between the Far East and the Chinese province of Heilongjiang can be highlighted. This distinction is reflected in the works of Russian investigators: M. V. Alexandrova, D. V. Suslov, L. A. Ponkratova, S. A. Ivanov, N. L. Simutina, N. P. Ryzhakov, and Chinese scientists Zhao Xin and Huang Meiliang. We can draw the following conclusions based on these studies: there is a transition in the foreign trade of the Russian Federation entitiess in the far East with the Chinese province of Heilongjiang from an asymmetric dependence to an agreement on national strategies for the development of the far Eastern Russian border and the North-East of the People's Republic of China. 10.1870/HUM/2304-9480.8.02 327 BORDER COOPERATION; BORDER TRADE; PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA; RUSSIAN FEDERATION; FAR EAST; HEILONGJIAN PROVINCE https://internrelat.spbstu.ru/article/2020.8.2/ 2_-Van-Tszyuntao-23-36.pdf

RAR RUS 37-53 YEROFEYEV Dmitry erofeev_dr@spbstu.ru THE IDEOLOGICAL ORIGINS OF THE ALTERNATIVE FOR GERMANY (AfG) PARTY'S PROGRAM SETTINGS The party “Alternative for Germany” became the third place finisher in the latest election to Bundestag. It became the biggest right-wing power. The growth of its popularity is based on the institutional crisis in the European Union, euroscepticism rise and migration sphere problems. “Shift to the right” like this has been observed in many countries of Europe and it could not have been attributed to marginal political groups only. Thus, Thus, it is necessary to analyze the values that have become the basis for the growing popularity of right-wing ideologies in modern conditions. The events taking place in Germany are extremely important in this sense, since, on the one hand, Germany is one of the leaders of the European Union and is perceived by many European countries as a system-forming force of the EU. On the other hand, the historical past of Germany makes us pay close attention to the growing popularity of the right-wing forces. Germany's Far-Right Nationalist Parties remained marginal for a long time but after German unification and increased migration flows their popularity began to grow In a sense, the AfG has become the successor of these parties and its ideological platform is based on the ideological attitudes of the extreme right-wing parties that intensified their activities at the turn of the XX-XXI centuries – the German People’s Union, Republicans, and the National Democratic Party of Germany in particular. The major part of the mentioned parties’ program objectives formally comply with the AfG spirit, nevertheless, it can be concluded that the triumph of the Alternative for Germany is due not only to the legacy and success of the radicals’ ideology but to the society response to specific problems and the inability of mainstream politicians to present an adequate program of exit from the crisis. Therefore it’s not that ideological “shift to the right” is of long-term nature and cannot be moved beyond within the boundaries of the traditional Western democratic governance. 10.1870/HUM/2304-9480.8.03 329.17 FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY; POPULISM; RADICALISM; REUROSCEPTICISM; IDEOLOGY; RIGHT-WING PARTIES https://internrelat.spbstu.ru/article/2020.8.3/ 3_-D_R_-Erofeev-37-53.pdf

RAR RUS 54-71 Peter the Great Saint-Petersburg Polytechnic University ZABLOTSKAYA Irina zablotskaya_in@spbstu.ru SPAIN'S PARTICIPATION IN INTERNATIONAL COLLECTIVE SECURITY STRUCTURES The problem of ensuring collective security is one of the most pressing problems of the sustainability of the modern world. Spain takes an active part in the activities of international organizations, the purpose of which is to ensure international and national security. Three areas of UN activity are of particular importance for the country: reform of the Security Council; organization of the International Criminal Tribunal; peacekeeping operations under the auspices of the organization. In foreign policy, Spain's role in the European Union is noticeable and active. The Spanish government does not question the existence of NATO and sees it as a form of interaction between Europe and the United States, which should ensure overall security and stability on the continent. Cooperation with the UN for Spain is the guarantor of ensuring the national security of the country, which has always opposed international terrorism and takes an active part in many anti-terrorist activities organized by international organizations. The proposed research is based on General methods of analysis and comparison of historical facts of modern political history in Europe and the United States. The sources of information used are periodical press data, analytical reviews, and scientific polemics in Russian, English, and Spanish. The study confirms that over the past decades, the country has consistently carried out targeted actions to ensure collective security in Europe and the world, as evidenced by Spain's active participation in the activities of the counter-terrorism Committee and support for UN peacekeeping operations in Central America. In addition, the country comes up with a large number of initiatives, for example, with a proposal to create a list of international organizations engaged in terrorist activities. 10.1870/HUM/2304-9480.8.04 327 SPAIN; SECURITY; INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS; UN; NATO; EUROPEAN UNION; COLLECTIVE SECURITY https://internrelat.spbstu.ru/article/2020.8.4/ 4_-I_N_-Zablotskaya-54-71.pdf

RAR RUS 72-80 AAP-1795-2020 57219279008 0000-0002-1244-1036 Peter the Great St. Petersburg Polytechnic University IVANNIKOV Nikita ivannikov_ns@spbstu.ru

Russia, 195251, St.Petersburg, Polytechnicheskaya, 29

THE ROLE OF INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION IN ENSURING FOOD SECURITY AT THE STATE LEVEL The article describes the need for international cooperation to address the global food problem and emphasizes its importance on the global level. It is worth noting the multidimensionality and complexity of this problem for the global community. It has causes and consequences that go beyond purely issues related to the agricultural sector. Moreover, it is common for both to developed and developing countries, which ensures its relevance for the assessment of modern world political processes. The work deals specifically with interstate cooperation, as its scale allows the most complete implementation of projects aimed at improving the current situation at the regional and global levels, which reflects the relevance of this study. It also examines institutional mechanisms that ensure the implementation of cooperation between the states of the world, notes the predominant role of the UN and its subsidiary organizations in promoting food security and dealing with obstacles in this process. The latter are presented in the article by the example of growing popularity of biofuels, changing diet, desertification, the problem of food overproduction and insufficiently developed food logistics. Some of the peculiarities of interstate cooperation in the framework of regional blocks are also considered. The role of UN specialized agencies as the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations and the World Food Programme should also be noted. International trade, which in different ways contributes to the strengthening of food security both locally and at the state and even regional level, is of partcular importance for solving the world food problem. An equally important factor in overcoming world hunger is the availability of targeted assistance programs to developing countries, such as the L'Aquila Initiative. As a scientific result, the UN has been identified as a non-alternative and effective tool for discussing and implementing joint programs and initiatives. This is confirmed both by the comprehensiveness of the Organization's approach and peculiarities of its work, status and effectiveness as a negotiating platform. 10.1870/HUM/2304-9480.8.05 327 FOOD SECURITY; INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION; UN; FAO https://internrelat.spbstu.ru/article/2020.8.5/ 5_-N_S_-Ivannikov-72-80.pdf

RAR RUS 81-93 Saint-Petersburg State University KONOVALOVA Ekaterina kat25031999@gmail.com O-5001-2014 57203763418 0000-0002-2056-5557 Saint-Petersburg State University MATVEEVSKAYA Anna annamatveevskaya@mail.ru

7/9, Universitetskaya emb., St. Petersburg, 199034, Russian Federation

THE IMPACT OF EUROSCEPTICISM IN THE CZECH REPUBLIC CARRIED OUT IN RELATION TO EUROPEAN UNION POLICIES DURING A PANDEMIC The article examines the phenomenon of Euroscepticism in the Czech Republic and its impact on Czech policy towards the EU and individual member states of this political and economic association during the COVID-19 crisis. The relevance of the study lies in the fact that the pandemic crisis has revealed how fragile the ideas of building a United Europe really are. The virus has become a threat to the foundations of the European economic and financial systems. The rapid and uncoordinated closure of borders has had the greatest impact on the countries of the so-called geographic periphery. The authors of the article present the data from the reports of the Ministry of Finance of the Czech Republic for 2018-2019. The data show that the Czech Republic does not belong to the “donor” countries and has a pronounced profit from participation in the considered association. However, the Czech Republic retains its leading position in terms of Euroscepticism, despite all the existing advantages for economic development. The article presents the results of the 2017 Eurobarometer public opinion polls regarding the approval of the country's membership in the EU, support for the ongoing migration policy, and the introduction of the euro. For writing, the work "Foreign policy program of the Czech Republic during the coronavirus" on May 7, 2020 is used. The authors conclude about the prevalence of Eurosceptic views within the Czech Republic, according to the surveys of the population of the Czech Republic, vector of the European policy of this state and political processes within the country. This trend continues during the COVID-19 crisis. The Czech Republic has always been an EU member state with one of the highest levels of Euroscepticism. This, of course, had a significant impact on it foreign policy. This only affected the conduct of a common European foreign and integration policy until March 2020. European principles, which proclaimed cohesion of countries and creation of an open European market, were influenced by Eurosceptic sentiments after the outbreak of the pandemic. 10.1870/HUM/2304-9480.8.06 327;325.14 EUROSCEPTICISM; THE CZECH REPUBLIC; PANDEMIC; EUROPEAN UNION https://internrelat.spbstu.ru/article/2020.8.6/ 6_-E_V_-Konovalova%2C-A_S_-Matveevskaya-81-93.pdf

RAR RUS 94-104 Peter the Great Saint-Petersburg Polytechnic University KRAVCHIK Elena kravchik.ei@edu.spbstu.ru SPECIAL FEATURES OF THE FINNISH MIGRATION POLICY The relevance of this work is based on the constant growing attention of the Finnish government towards the migration problems. Nowadays the work of the Finnish Parliament (Eduskunta) is aimed at the migration policy development, its budget, and financial procedures upgrading. Moreover, the government tries to take into consideration its previous unsuccessful migration experience. Furthermore, numerous integration programs are developed to facilitate the process of the migrants’ adaptation to a new society and to get them involved in the Finnish labor market. As the Finnish Parliament consists of ten political parties, which form the government’s policy (including mentioned earlier migration questions), it is reasonable to analyze political programs of the most popular Finnish political parties as they have the majority places in the parliament and do have the biggest impact on the course of the policy of Finland. The paper examines the migration policies of “Social Democratic Party”, “Centre Party”, “Finns Party”, “National Coalition” parties. The parties’ programs that consider the questions of immigrants, refugee quotas, integration programs, and the financial support for immigrants are explored. Thereby the goal of the article is to consider the model of the Finnish migration policy. To achieve the goal the following tasks were set: to examine migration programs of the most popular Finnish political parties; to analyze the dynamic of the Finnish migration policy development. As the result, the following features of the Finnish migration policy were found. Thus, the immigration policy is an important part of the whole Finnish government’s policy and tends to simplify the migration process. The particular emphasis is placed on labor migration; this type of migration has the highest governmental financial support. Moreover, the majority of the most popular Finnish parties endorse active labor migration as Finnish population is getting older and requires additional manpower. The attention is also drawn to the integration programs’ development as the level of unemployment among the already living in Finland migrants is high, and the majority of migrants do not speak either Finnish or Swedish well enough. Nevertheless, most of the Finnish political parties support the EU migration level and aim to improve their migration policy in order not to make the mistakes of the immigration crisis of 2015. 10.1870/HUM/2304-9480.8.07 314.74 IMMIGRATION; FINLAND; MIGRATION POLICY; INTEGRATION; LABOR MIGRATION https://internrelat.spbstu.ru/article/2020.8.7/ 7_-E_I_-Kravchik-94-104.pdf

RAR RUS 105-118 Saint-Petersburg State University POPOV Dmitry dp04@mail.ru Saint-Petersburg State University NOVIKOVA Irina i.novikova@spbu.ru LUBLIN TRIANGLE: OPPORTUNITIES AND PROSPECTS FOR THE NEW FORMAT OF COOPERATION This article deals with the new format of cooperation in Europe – the "Lublin triangle" of Poland, Lithuania and Ukraine, which is negatively and emotionally described in the Russian media, but has not been studied in detail and impartially. The study of this Association is particularly relevant to the aspirations of Poland, which sees itself as one of the new leaders of the European Union against the background of crisis phenomena in its "old members", to intensify its activities in Central and Eastern Europe. . On the part of Russia, whose interests may clash with those of Poland, which is currently relatively hostile to Moscow, it is necessary to understand the true intentions of Warsaw in all its steps in the region. In order to identify the real opportunities and prospects of the “Lublin triangle platform”, the authors analyze the tasks outlined in the joint Declaration of the Foreign Ministers, and then show its political, economic, cultural and historical foundations, comparing all three States according to these indicators. The study revealed the declarative nature of the new cooperation, whose members do not have specific obligations to each other, but at this stage, while maintaining some contradictions and different positions of countries, it is most convenient for them. Although the analysis of the political and economic situation of the three countries suggests the formation of dependence of Ukraine, which is still developing and only aspiring to integrate into the EU and NATO, on Poland and Lithuania, which have achieved success in such a process, the "Lublin" format, without specific obligations and with certain benefits for all participants in the security sphere, may turn out to be the most realistic and promising option for cooperation between the three Eastern European countries, as well as an important factor in the development of international relations in the region. In addition, the Lublin triangle can be a step towards further consolidation of the CEE region based on Euro-Atlantic structures, which should be taken into account when developing Russia's foreign policy. 10.1870/HUM/2304-9480.8.08 327.3; 321.8 LUBLIN TRIANGLE; POLAND; UKRAINE; LITHUANIA; REGIONAL COOPERATION https://internrelat.spbstu.ru/article/2020.8.8/ 8_-D_I_-Popov%2C-I_N_-Novikova-105-118.pdf

RAR RUS 119-128 Saint-Petersburg State University SBOYCHAKOVA Anastasiia Sboichakova@mail.ru THE PARTICIPATION OF OBSERVERS IN THE ARCTIC COUNCIL - EVOLUTION AND PROSPECTS The article examines the relationship between the activities of the intergovernmental discussion forum ‘The Arctic Council’ and the interest in the Arctic region on the part of non-regional participants. A historical retrospective is used to study the origin of interstate cooperation in the Arctic region, the formation and evolution of the process of bilateral and multilateral interaction of observers with the member States of the Arctic Council. The reasons for the interest of non-regional participants in the Arctic region were revealed, the motives of the main participants external to the studied forum to the Arctic were studied, the reasons why the interaction of non-Arctic states with the Arctic was carried out precisely under the auspices of the Arctic Council, the influence of the international context on the process of interaction between observers and member states was studied AC. The mechanism of the influence of an increase in the number of candidates for observers on the intensification of cooperation within the framework of the Arctic Council and the institutional development of the forum is outlined. The degree of participation of observers in the work of the forum, the reasons for the interest of non-regional participants in the Arctic, their goals, methods and tools of their influence on the policies of the member states of the Arctic Council are revealed. Periodization of the stages of activation of states external to the Arctic region and international governmental and non-governmental organizations in cooperation with the Arctic Council in historical retrospect identified the key factors contributing to the transformation of relations between member states and observers in the Arctic Council. Both the arguments in favor of further expanding the number of observers to the Arctic Council and the reasons why the adoption of new observers is not in the interests of the forum are systematized. The results of the study show that in the coming years (Russia's chairmanship in the AU) the expansion of the number of observers in the AU does not seem realistic. 10.1870/HUM/2304-9480.8.09 327-7 ARCTIC COUNCIL; ARCTIC; OBSERVERS; STATES; INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS https://internrelat.spbstu.ru/article/2020.8.9/ 9_-A_V_-Sboychakova-119-128.pdf